The Real Agenda of the Right

The following examples are recent documentation of the anti-worker, anti-union ideology of the American Right.  This is to supplement the information provided in the report “Politics in America : The Right Wing Attack on the American Labor Movement” which was issued in August 2002.  The original report can be found on the web site of the Wisconsin State AFL-CIO at www.wisaflcio.org in the column marked “Labor News You Can Use”.

Joanne Ricca
July 2005


  • From an interview given by Grover Norquist, a major strategist for the American Right, to a reporter for Nueva Economia.  The reporter asked Norquist what will happen if Bush wins the election:  

“The Democratic Party will be forever doomed.  If we take control of the legislature and the executive branch, we will reinforce our control of the judicial branch to direct it against the Democrats.  We will bring about a modest limit of the ability of the people to initiate lawsuits against corporations, which will damage the lawyers who specialize in these cases, which is one of the props of the Democratic Party.  We will accelerate the decline of the unions. We will cut funding to groups of public employees, like teachers, who are one of the great sources of Democratic votes.  And we will begin to move the welfare state toward a private system in pensions and health care.”

“In Twenty Years the Welfare State Will No Longer Be Needed”
Interview with Grover Norquist published in Nueva Economia,
a supplement to El Mundo, Madrid, Spain, September 12, 2004

  • From an article about Grover Norquist who also heads a corporate lobbying group called Americans for Tax Reform and is a board member of the National Rifle Association (NRA):

“Norquist plays the role of national ward boss, delivering the coalition that has rallied around the president’s policy agenda.  Norquist calls it the “Leave-Us-Alone Coalition”, a grouping of gun owners, the Christian right, homeschoolers, libertarians, and business leaders that he has almost single-handedly managed to unite.  The common vision:  an America in which the rich will be taxed at the same rates as the poor, where capital is freed from government constraints, where government services are turned over to the free market, where the minimum wage is repealed, unions are made irrelevant, and law-abiding citizens can pack handguns in every state and town. 

‘My ideal citizen is the self-employed, homeschooling, IRA-owning guy with a concealed-carry permit,’ says Norquist.  ‘Because that person doesn’t need the goddam government for anything.’  He goes on to say: ‘We plan to pick up another five seats in the Senate and hold the House through redistricting in 2012.  And rather than negotiate with the teachers’ unions and the trial lawyers and the various leftist interest groups, we intend to break them.’  He adds: ‘We are deadly serious. We do intend to have a smaller and less intrusive government, and every time the government gets smaller there are fewer Democratic precinct workers in the world.’”

“The Soul of the New Machine” by Michael Scherer
Mother Jones Magazine, January/February 2004


  • On the use of single issues to distract workers into voting for candidates who are a threat to their economic interests:

“Old-fashioned values may count when conservatives appear on the stump, but once conservatives are in office the only old-fashioned situation they care to revive is the regimen of low wages and lax regulations.  Over the last three decades they have smashed the welfare state, reduced the tax burden on corporations and the wealthy, and generally facilitated a return to a 19th century pattern of wealth distribution.  Thus the primary contradiction of the backlash:  It is a working-class movement that has done incalculable, historic harm to working-class people.  The leaders of the backlash may talk Christ, but they walk corporate.  Values may ‘matter most’ to voters, but they always take a back seat to the needs of money once the elections are won.”

“The trick never ages, the illusion never wears off.  Vote to stop abortion; receive a rollback in capital-gains taxes.  Vote to make our country strong again; receive de-industrialization. Vote to screw those politically correct college professors; receive electricity deregulation. Vote to get government off our back; receive conglomeration and monopoly everywhere from media to meatpacking. Vote to stand tall against terrorism; receive Social Security privatization.  Vote to strike a blow against elitism; receive a social order in which wealth is more concentrated than ever before in our lifetimes, in which workers have been stripped of power and CEOs are rewarded in a manner beyond imagining.”

“Lie Down for America : How the Republican Party Sows
Ruin on the Great Plains ”, by Thomas Frank
Harper’s Magazine, April 2004

“Republicans plan to use Congress to pull . . . and vulnerable Democrats into the cultural wars over gay rights, abortion and guns, envisioning a series of debates and votes that will highlight the candidates’ positions on divisive issues, according to congressional aides and GOP officials….One of the most divisive issues looming is a proposed constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriages, which President Bush has endorsed….Another possible wedge issue is a long-standing proposed constitutional amendment to outlaw burning the American flag.”

“GOP Plans Votes to Put Democrats on the Spot”
Washington
Post, March 2, 2004

“But in terms of direct mail—the financial lifeblood of most advocacy groups, including many Christian conservative organizations—some in the movement believe opposition to gay marriage will be even more potent than its other great cause, the fight against abortion.  ‘Abortion has never been a strong direct-mailer’, said Richard Viguerie, founder of American Target Advertising and the dean of conservative direct mail.  ‘But in my opinion and the opinion of my executives, this is a world-class wedge issue.   Every instinct in my body tells me this is going to be a big mailer.’”

“Conservatives Use Gay Union As Rallying Cry”
New York
Times, February 8, 2004

(Note:  Richard Viguerie wrote "The New Right: We’re Ready to Lead” in 1980 and was a key leader along with Paul Weyrich, Howard Phillips and Terry Dolan in developing the “bait and switch” single-issue strategy of today’s Right.  As an example of the anti-union sentiment on the Right, Viguerie pulled his family from a neighborhood church because the priest had given a sermon on Cesar Chavez, who was head of the United Farm Workers Union at the time.)                           

  • On attacking government and crippling public services—or “starving the beast” as the Right likes to say:

“According to cleverly misleading reports from the Heritage Foundation and other like-minded sources, the deficit is growing because Mr. Bush isn’t sufficiently conservative:  he’s allowing runaway growth in domestic spending.  This myth is intended to divert attention from the real culprit:  sharply reduced tax collections, mainly from corporations and the wealthy.

And this was part of a larger con.  What’s playing out in America right now is the bait-and-switch strategy known on the right as “starve the beast.”  The ultimate goal is to slash government programs that help the poor and the middle class, and use the savings to cut taxes for the rich.  But the public would never vote for that.

So the right has used deceptive salesmanship to undermine tax enforcement and push through upper-income tax cuts.  And now that deficits have emerged, the right insists that they are the result of runaway spending, which must be curbed.”

 “Red Ink Realities” by Paul Krugman
New York Times, January 27, 2004

“Watching the fiscal crises gripping cities and states across the U.S. is like watching a chain-reaction auto wreck in slow motion.  I don’t think the general public has a good sense yet of the pain that will result from the carnage. There are those who have long dreamed of the day when governments would be so drained of revenues they would have no choice but to call a halt to many of their functions.  The realization of that dream is getting closer, in part because its tragic implications remain obscure to vast segments of the public served by those governments.”

“States of Pain” by Bob Herbert 
New York Times, November 21, 2002

  • On transferring public services to private, for-profit businesses: 

“To Daniel J. Mitchell there is hardly an area of government that can’t be improved by competition from the private sector…Conservatives such as Mitchell, an economist at the Heritage Foundation, a Washington, D.C. think tank, say the rough and tumble of competition will create better services while trimming costs…. ‘We’ve been frustrated in some areas, but we’re also on the offensive.  The unions and the left—they’re like the little Dutch boy trying to stick his finger in the dike, except there are now 10 holes springing in the dike.’”  

“Conservatives Accelerate Push For Private Sector Competition” 
Capital Times, December 8, 2003  


  • Revealing the real anti-worker, pro-business agenda of the Christian Coalition:  

During his lifetime in the U.S. Senate, Strom Thurmond (R-South Carolina) had one of the worst voting records on rights and protections for workers and unions.  Thurmond’s AFL-CIO Voting Record indicates that he voted “right” only 12% of the time on legislation of benefit to workers—that is only 61 votes out of 517 cast during his Senate career.  Senator Thurmond  vigorously fought the original Civil Rights Act and strongly promoted traditional family values. Recently it was revealed that former Senator Strom Thurmond fathered a child in 1925 with a 16-year old African-American maid who worked for his family. The Christian Coalition had this to say:

“From a moral standpoint, yes, what happened was wrong,” Roberta Combs, president of the Christian Coalition, said.  “That’s not the traditional family.  That’s not how it’s supposed to be.  But we’re not going to sit around today and criticize Strom.  He’s helped so many people.  He’s touched so many lives.”  

“When Family Values Clash With Family Secrets” 
New York Times, January 4, 2004  

  • On the Right’s view that corporate property rights should take priority over human rights:

“Most of our economic regulation is stupid…What possible reason is there for regulating wages and hours?”  Prof. Epstein said.  “If my takings doctrine prevails, you have no minimum wage laws.  That’s fine.  You’d have an OSHA a tenth of the size.  That’s fine too.  You’d have no antidiscrimination laws for privileged employees, which would be a godsend.”  

“The Right and U.S. Trade Law:  Invalidating the 20th Century” 
The Nation, October 15, 2001  


  • Regarding the redistribution of wealth in America to the upper classes due to the Right’s policies:  

“The 13,000 richest families in America now have almost as much income as the  20 million poorest.  And those 13,000 families have incomes 300 times that of average families.”  

“For Richer:  How the Permissive Capitalism of the Boom 
Destroyed American Equality”, New York Times Magazine
October 20, 2002  

“…America has two tax systems, separate and unequal.  One is for wage earners, and most of us know firsthand that that system works effectively.  The other is for the wealthy, who control much of what the IRS knows about their finances and who in recent years have paid a shrinking share of their incomes to sustain the civilization that makes their riches possible. Wealth is more concentrated in America than at any time since 1929.”  

 “The Loophole Artist” by David Cay Johnston 
New York Times Magazine, December 21, 2003

  • Regarding the “survival of the fittest” ideology of the Right as seen in the attacks on Social Security and passage of the recent Medicare bill with prescription drug coverage:

On Social Security:    “Never mind the rhetoric about retirement security; the real reason for the attack on Social Security is ideology.  Here’s what Edward Fuelner, president of the Heritage Foundation, wrote to supporters: ‘…today’s policies are a product of the Great Society of the 1960s, which grew out of the New Deal of the 1930s, which was an assault on founding principles articulated in the 18th century….Connecting the historical dots is no small task.’  The important thing is to understand what’s really going on here.  The ideological powers behind the current administration want to do away with Social Security—not to offer retirees a better deal, but because they are opposed to the program in principle.  Unfortunately, that’s an argument that won’t work in the political arena; Social Security is very popular.  So the strategy they have adopted is to declare that the program is already dead, or nearly so.  If the facts say, on the contrary, that Social Security is very much alive, the administration doesn’t want to hear about it.  And it doesn’t want you to hear about it either.”  

“Connect the Dots” by Paul Krugman 
New York Times, April 2, 2002

On Medicare:   “This is an ideological battle.  This bill is a big victory for health insurers and conservatives because it increases the viability of Medicare HMOs and puts commercial insurance on a course toward employers scaling back health care contributions and individuals taking on the responsibility for their own health coverage.”

Charles Boorady, Analyst at Smith Barney 
“Gauging the Winners in the Medicare Bill”

New York Times, December 14, 2003                 

“On July 30, 1965, Lyndon Johnson …signed the bill that created Medicare. Medicare was a desperately needed program and it grew to be a wildly popular one.  But conservatives were outraged by it.  Socialized medicine, they snarled. Un-American.  Johnson’s biographer recalled that Ronald Reagan saw Medicare as the advance wave of socialism, which would ‘invade every area of freedom in this country.’  Today President Bush will sign into law a prescription drug benefit under Medicare that will introduce the first cold drafts of bitter reality to the G.O.P.’s long dream of dismantling Medicare as we’ve known it.”  

“Stalking the Giant Chicken Coop” by Bob Herbert
New York Times, December 8, 2003  

  • On the Right’s use of term limits as a single issue distraction to attack and defeat pro-labor Democrats:

“Nothing better captures the difference between the Republicans who took over Congress eight years ago and those who control it now than their attitude toward term limits.  When the GOP rebels rode to power in 1994 under Newt Gingrich and Dick Armey, after 40 years of unbroken Democratic control of the House of Representatives, one of the promises in their ‘Contract with America’ was to limit the time anyone could serve it that body.  The promise was quickly abandoned….”  

“Different Perspective Has GOP Rethinking Term Limits” 
Milwaukee Journal Sentinel,  January 5, 2003  

“Term limits was the cry of nearly all the Republicans in 1994 when they took over the House, defeating many Democrats.  They would come to Washington, do the job of cutting back ‘big government’ and then move aside so others could have a chance.  One of the major upsets occurred in the state of Washington where an upstart by the name of George Nethercutt beat Congressman Tom Foley, a long-time Democratic leader.  Nethercutt promised the voters ‘three terms and I’m out’.  Guess who is running for a fourth term?  ‘To term-limit yourself really reduces your effectiveness’, said Nethercutt.  Tom Foley had an 80% lifetime pro-worker voting record according to the AFL-CIO.  In contrast, Rep. George Nethercutt had only a 2% lifetime pro-worker voting record as of 1999.”

“Term Limits Campaign a Ruse Used to Defeat 
Pro-Labor Candidates”, Wisconsin Research Center  
Newsletter
, Fall 2000  


  • On the anti-union actions of the Bush administration:  

“While the Bush administration is gung-ho for democracy in Iraq and Zimbabwe, there is one place it wants to be sure it never sees the light of day:  the American workplace.  I am talking here about a right that most Americans thought they had won back in 1935—the right to form unions and bargain collectively.  Over the years, that right has been whittled away by legislation, poked with holes by appeals courts and reduced to irrelevancy by a well-meaning bureaucracy that has let itself be intimidated by political and legal thuggery.  As a result, any company willing to use intimidation and delaying tactics will never have to sign a first contract with a union, even if employees really want one.  

Given these toothless remedies, it’s no surprise that only seven groups of Wal-Mart employees have ever gotten to vote on having a union, with only one of those—10 butchers at a store in Jacksonville, Fla.—actually voting in favor.  And gosh, wouldn’t you know that just weeks later, Wal-Mart decided to eliminate the meat-cutting function at the Jacksonville store and ship in pre-cut meat instead.  Although the company explained the change had been under consideration for six months at least, Leonard Page, then the acting general counsel of the NLRB, told me Wal-Mart couldn’t produce even a single document to prove it.  

Some months after the Jacksonville incident, Page decided it was time to get serious with Wal-Mart, and set up an appointment with top executives at their offices in Bentonville, Ark.  But the day before his trip, he got a call from the White House thanking him for his services and instructing him to clear out his desk even though no replacement had been named.”

“Workers’ Rights Are Being Rolled Back” by Steven Pearlstein 
Washington Post, February 25, 2004

 

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